1983년 1월 31일 월요일 재생 중

BRIEFING

Date: 01 February 1983

By Phil Gailey and Warren Weaver Jr

Phil Gailey

A Bit of Candor T here was a refreshing bit of candor Monday at the White House budget briefing for reporters, an annual ritual that allows senior Administration officials to put their interpretation on the President's spending proposals. With David R. Gergen, the White House communications director, acting as referee, Donald T. Regan, the Secretary of the Treasury, David A. Stockman, director of the Office of Management and Budget, and Martin S. Feldstein, chairman of the President's Council of Economic Advisers, stepped forward to field questions from hundreds of reporters assembled in the State Department auditorium. Mr. Regan was asked why the Administration's proposed contingency tax plan was timed to take effect, if needed, in 1986, two years after the next Presidential election. Could political considerations be involved? the reporter asked, trying to steer the briefing from the economic charts and budgetspeak to the political realities the President faces.

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AT BUDGET'S UNVEILING, FEW SECRETS WERE LEFT

Date: 01 February 1983

By David Shribman, Special To the New York Times

David Shribman

Once a year, in late January, the President sends Congress a closely guarded matter of state, his message giving the details of his new budget. When Congress received the budget for the fiscal year 1984 today, however, there were few secrets left. For the second consecutive year, members of Congress upset President Reagan's schedule by disclosing major details to an ever more aggressive press several days before the White House was prepared to make them available. The issue goes beyond traditional journalistic competitiveness. It illuminates the growing power that Congress exercises in the budgetmaking process and underlines the increased importance the budget has assumed in recent years, especially in the Reagan Administration, when the size of the deficit and spending restraints have become major political issues.

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THE PUBLIC RELATIONS BACKFIRE AND WHAT FOLLOWED

Date: 31 January 1983

By Francis X. Clines, Special To the New York Times

Francis Clines

When the White House announced this month that it was attempting to shut off all unauthorized ''leaks'' of information to reporters, an attendant risk was implied: The Administration's public relations burden now would, by design and necessity, fall more heavily shoulders of President Reagan himself. This is a situation, the President's aides conceded in the more candid days of the 1980 campaign, that involved running afoul of Mr. Reagan's penchant for unpredictable off-the-cuff remarks in public that sometimes left them holding their breath as he spoke. The new policy was clearly in effect last week when some of the most respected strategists on the White House staff had to work under a new bureaucratic overlay of reviewing subject matter and clearing comments to the press through the office of the commmunications director. Last Wednesday, the ingredients of the Administration's attempt at tighter control of news events were on display as the President flew to Boston for a tour of the area's high-technology belt. This is a positive part of the nation's employment picture, and the schedule was thick with safe ''photo opportunities.'' The President was able to pose with such people as factory workers and inner-city residents who were not prominently featured on the White House campaign itineraries last fall when the strategy was to focus on safer Sun Belt constituencies.

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8 NEWSMEN IN PERU, MISTAKEN FOR REBELS, ARE SLAIN IN AMBUSH

Date: 31 January 1983

By United Press International

United International

Eight Peruvian journalists were ambushed and killed by a band of Andean peasants who mistook them for leftist guerrillas, the military command announced today. The command said police and army patrols had unearthed the bodies of all eight journalists who were killed last week in the village of Uchuraccay, about 220 miles southeast of Lima. President Fernando Belaunde Terry called for a minute of silence at his weekly news conference today for the slain journalists. He said the peasants apparently thought they were about to be attacked themselves.

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Europe Debut For Journal

Date: 01 February 1983

AP

The Wall Street Journal began a European edition today, publishing a two-section, 32-page newspaper and extending the business daily to a third continent. At the same time, one of the main competitors of the The Wall Street Journal-Europe, The Financial Times of London, said it would add ''comprehensive statistical coverage of Wall Street'' in a new section of its international edition.

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Killers of 8 Newsmen In Peru Cite Police Role

Date: 01 February 1983

UPI

Upi

Peasants in a central Andean village told reporters today that they were following police orders to kill strangers when they attacked and killed eight Peruvian journalists last week. Several hundred people, including family members, a representative of President Fernando Belaunde Terry and delegations from Parliament were at the airport today to meet an air force plane that brought the bodies of six of the eight journalists back to Lima.

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News Analysis

Date: 01 February 1983

By Steven R. Weisman, Special To the New York Times

Steven Weisman

With his budget for the fiscal year 1984, President Reagan is declaring that the enormous Federal deficits ahead cannot be reduced without help from some of his severest critics in Congress. Thus, Mr. Reagan is proclaiming a new era of bipartisanship that White House officials say could clear the way for significant revisions of the budget by Congress in the areas of taxes, military spending, domestic spending and jobs programs. Since the November elections, when the Republicans lost 26 seats in the House, a certain amount of Congressional tinkering with Mr. Reagan's next budget has been regarded as inevitable. This became clearer as Republican leaders in the Senate signaled their independence in recent weeks. As described by Mr. Reagan's aides, the goal of the budget makers this year was to produce a realistic plan that could serve as a framework for discussion on Capitol Hill and guarantee that Mr. Reagan would be the major player in those discussions.

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News Analysis

Date: 01 February 1983

By Edward Cowan, Special To the New York Times

Edward Cowan

The budget for the fiscal year 1984 that President Reagan sent to Congress today projects deficits of a size unimagined even a year ago, roughly $200 billion a year for three years, and contains assumptions about the economy more cautious than those made by most past Presidents. It is also laced with admissions of past ''large forecasting errors'' by the Reagan Administration, ''little progress'' in reducing what the Administration now calls the ''structural budget deficit'' and a more ''disruptive'' 1981-82 transition away from double-digit inflation than had been expected. For these reasons, the 1984 budget is being called realistic, candid, possibly even too pessimistic, depending upon one's political view. And yet, like all Presidential budgets, it is founded on several assumptions that are optimistic, if not blatantly heroic. And, like most budgets, it fails to say some things that seem only too plain.

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News Analysis

Date: 31 January 1983

By David Bird

David Bird

The out-of-court settlement that brought an abrupt end to the trial over responsibility for the Three Mile Island nuclear accident left many questions unanswered, especially the question of guilt. Until the $37 million settlement was announced Jan. 24, teams of lawyers for the utility operating the reactor and the manufacturer that built it traded blame for the 1979 accident for almost three months in the Federal District Court in Manhattan. The battle ended, it is generally agreed, in a draw. The General Public Utilities Corporation, which operates the nuclear plant near Harrisburg, Pa., sued the manufacturer of the two reactors there, the Babcock & Wilcox Company, for $4 billion. The utility said the company had not provided key safety information.

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News Analysis

Date: 01 February 1983

By Michael Oreskes, Special To the New York Times

Michael Oreskes

Only a month into his administration, Governor Cuomo moved swiftly, both his aides and outsiders say, to construct a proposal for a balanced state budget that, for better or worse, is clearly his. This was a departure, longtime Albany officials observed, from Gov. Hugh L. Carey's first days in office, when his first budget was in many ways a product of the previous Republican administration and the Legislature. ''The decision to make an imprint was always there,'' said Michael J. Del Giudice, the Governor's secretary. It was also perhaps inevitable as Mr. Cuomo sought to close what he himself had described as the largest budget gap in the state's history. Rise in Overall Spending Mr. Cuomo's budget totaled about $31.5 billion. This includes all the money the state gets in help from Washington. The portion of the state budget paid for by state taxes and fees amounted to $18.5 billion.

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